The issue of Violence against Women in the public sphere has been a major source of concern over the past few years, especially in the four years following the January 25th Revolution in 2011. Discussion of what Women have to endure in the public sphere became commonplace on many platforms, including the media and social networking sites. It has also become a leading item on the agendas of many feminist organizations and various groups which seek to confront the exacerbating and increasingly frequent phenomenon.

Egyptian WLUML networker, Kholoud El-Sayed has been announced as a speaker at TEDx Suez Canal University's first event, IDEUPHORIA.

"Maha’s passing has left a hole in our hearts but we will continue to struggle for the rights of Palestinian women with greater vigour and commitment."

“Still Palestinian feminists are struggling to prioritize their goals: Should they fight exclusively for Palestinian statehood, in the hope that this will further their goals? Or should they be social critics, promoting long-term issues of democracy and women's rights as national institutions and a constitution are being formed? In 1988, Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat proclaimed that "Palestine is a state...based on social justice, equality with no discrimination...on the basis of ethnicity, religion, color or between men and women." The mechanics of achieving such a vision were left undefined.”

-  Dahlia Scheindlin, "Palestinian Women's Model Parliament"

In WLUML Dossier 22, published 14 years ago, Dahlia Scheindlin argued that the relationship between the women’s movement in Palestine and the Palestinian national struggle is an uncertain one, as the national women’s movement is constantly faced with the question of where it situates itself in relation to the Palestinian liberation struggle. Is the women’s struggle situated within the wider national struggle or is gender equality a separate goal to be pursued independently of Palestinian nationhood?

أردت أن أكتب أنْ لا حركة نسوية مصرية معاصرة حقيقية. لكنني شعرت بعدم الرضى وبشيء من المبالغة، وربما بالتخلي عن القليل من الاندفاع الناتج من غضب، سببه الاستياء من حركة لا تتقدم وبفقدان الاهتمام بالانتماء إلى حركة تحمل نفس مساوئ النظام المجتمعي الذي يُفترض أن يُحارَب. ربما بقليل من الهدوء قبل الشروع في الكتابة، ستأخذ من يُعرفن بناشطات نسويات هذا على محمل الجد وسيمرّ في عقولهن أنّ النسوية ليست تجربة حياتية شخصية لفرد تطبق بحذافيرها وتصبح درساً مُسلّماً بيه لتخلق كائنات فضائية متشابهة. >وبالتالي، يجب إدراك أنّ الحركة النسوية تعاني مشاكل كبيرة. التعميم غباء حتمي.

On 9 May 2012, Manal al-Sharif was awarded the Havel Prize for Creative Dissent at the Oslo Freedom Forum in Norway. This came shortly after al-Sharif was honored as one of TIME’s100 Most Influential People in the World at a Gala in New York City. Such events have given rise to a pattern: just as numerous pictures and videos of activists attending various conferences and receiving numerous awards surface, waves of criticism pour in. Their motives are viewed with suspicion, worthiness is questioned, and a movement’s progress is reassessed.

The Feminist Wire is an online women's studies journal “founded by African American feminist scholars that is run collaboratively and with mutual respect and love by a diverse Collective that spans races, ethnicities, sexualities, class statuses, geographies, religions, and feminist perspectives." On April 13, they published an article by Adele Wilde-Blavatsky, an English journalist who was then a member of their collective, entitled "What It Means to be an Ant-Racist Feminist in the 21st Century."  The article argued against an equation being made in the blogosphere between the hoodie

Adrienne Rich, a poet of towering reputation and towering rage, whose work — distinguished by an unswerving progressive vision and a dazzling, empathic ferocity — brought the oppression of women and lesbians to the forefront of poetic discourse and kept it there for nearly a half-century, died on Tuesday at her home in Santa Cruz, Calif. She was 82.

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