Two members of an Amnesty International fact-finding team were among five human rights workers and journalists freed by Egyptian military police late on Friday night after a day and half in detention. The five were among some 35 Egyptian and international human rights activists, lawyers and journalists arrested Thursday when military police raided the offices of the Hisham Mubarak Law Center in Cairo. Update to Egypt: List of detained lawyers & activists from Hisham Mubarak Law Centre in Cairo

Peter Bouckaert, emergencies director at Human Rights Watch, reported yesterday that several international and Egyptian human rights activists, journalists and lawyers were picked up in a raid on the Hisham Mubarak Law Center in Cairo. The activists are currently detained at an unknown location in Egypt, and no news has been heard from them since their arrest. According to Bouckaert, the arrests are part of a clear campaign against independent eyewitnesses of the violence in Egypt, including journalists and civil society activists.” If you know more names tell @bouckap!#jan25

Depuis la « Journée de la colère » du 25 janvier 2011 en Egypte contre la dictature et la pauvreté ( la moitié de la population -soit 40 millions de personnes- vit avec moins de 2 $ par jour ), un mouvement populaire sans précédent dans son histoire récente se développe partout dans le pays, du Caire à Suez, d’Alexandrie à Assouan, d’Ismaïlia au bastion ouvrier de Mahalla el Koubra etc. Elle touche désormais l’ensemble des couches sociales. Malgré la censure ( y compris coupures internet et tél.), l’intimidation policière, les provocations, le couvre-feu et une répression sanglante ( plus de 300 morts et des milliers de blessés au 1er février selon l’ONU ), des millions de gens manifestent et tiennent la rue, exigeant la chute de Moubarak et de son régime. Ils réclament la LIBERTE. La DIGNITE. La JUSTICE SOCIALE.

 تشهد الأمة المصرية لحظة تاريخية في حياتها ، إذ أن الشعب المصري خرج عن الطوق و مضي في سبيله للتحرر من ربقة الذل ، منذ يوم عيد "الشرطة" المصرية جلادي النظام في يوم 25 يناير 2011 و مئات الألوف بل قد تجاوز العدد ليصل إلي المليون في أيام بعينها خرجوا ثائرين علي صلف و طغيان محمد حسني مبارك . و قد واجه جموع المتظاهرين اقسي درجات القمع بدءا من إطلاق قنابل الغاز المسيلة للدموع منتهية الصلاحية ، مرورا بالضرب بالرصاص المطاطي و حني بالرصاص الحي و الإحراق . إلا أن هذا القمع و البطش لم يثبط من عزيمة المصريين ، بل خرجوا في يوم 1 فبراير في مسيرة مليونية في القاهرة و تجاوزت الاعداد مئات الألوف في مظاهرات الأقاليم.

First of all, I have to apologize to the readers for any grammatical mistakes, or if I make no sense; my mental capacities are at their lowest level due lack of sleep for three days. On the 25 January, 2011, a revolution began. Tens of thousands of Egyptians headed to Tahrir (Independence Square), the main square of Cairo, to end decades of despotism, tyranny and brutality. The calls came from a Facebook page called ‘We are all Khaled Said’, an Egyptian icon tortured and killed by the policemen. Thousands of people clicked “attending” and the virtual came real. The Mubarak regime cracked down on the peaceful protests, increasing their brutality in the hope that the protesters would give up. But, I am proud to say that we defeated fear; we are claiming our rights!

If the military is ever to be a legitimate national force, it must side with the protesters against Mubarak’s thugs and the police. These thugs have been ridiculously and mistakenly labeled by right-wing media as “pro-Mubarak demonstrators. This critical junction in the Egyptian Uprising when is the Egyptian Army’s moment of truth. As thousands of unarmed demonstrators are tortured, trampled, firebombed and molested by Mubarak’s thugs, will the military move to protect, or to crush the non-violent democratic movements that have occupied Tahrir Square in Cairo for the last ten days? Following on Paul Amar’s useful analysis (Jadaliyya, 1 Feb 2011) we need to know which faction of which of the Army's branches is ascendant, and where exactly, within these forces, we can energize possible allies.

For more than two decades, Mubarak's regime tried to change the structure of Egyptian society through the creation of a class that is loyal to it and benefited from its gains. These gains appeared to flow from Hosni Mubarak’s continuing presidency and his son Gamal’s eventual take-over. The regime put an emphasis on establishing private schools and universities which taught international curriculums, as well as opening the doors for international corporations at which the graduates of these schools and universities would be offered lucrative jobs. It also built luxury malls and attractions; this new class was intended to spend its entire income on imported goods and social diversions.

My birth at the end of July 1967 makes me a child of the naksa, or setback, as the Arab defeat during the June 1967 war with Israel is euphemistically known in Arabic. My parents' generation grew up high on the Arab nationalism that Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser brandished in the 1950s. But we "Children of the Naksa", hemmed in by humiliation, have spent so much of our lives uncomfortably stepping into pride's large, empty shoes.

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